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Wednesday, June 4, 2025

HOW TO KILL AN IMPEACHMENT CASE IN 100 DAYS OR LESS: The Senate's Escape Plan for Sara Duterte


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A storm is brewing in the quiet chambers of power—and it's not the kind that makes headlines just yet. A leaked draft resolution—unsigned, undated, and unnumbered—is now circulating among political insiders and legal circles. But don't let its unfinished status fool you. It's fully written. Fully argued. And fully loaded with implications.


This isn’t just a legal document. It’s a blueprint for a political escape. A roadmap to bury the impeachment case against Vice President Sara Duterte—not with a bang of accountability, but with the whimper of procedural technicalities.


And yes, it reads like a script.


The Plot: How to Kill an Impeachment Without Ever Holding a Trial

At the heart of this shadowy resolution is a singular objective: Make the impeachment case vanish—without a trial, without a vote, without a single moment of scrutiny.


Here’s the rationale they’re laying out:


The 100-Day Expiry Trick

The draft argues that since more than 100 days have passed since the House of Representatives transmitted the Articles of Impeachment to the Senate, the case should be considered dead.

Why? Because the Senate didn't act forthwith—a term now being interpreted as "act immediately, or not at all."


Blame the Clock, Not the Crime

With Congress set to adjourn sine die on June 13, the draft claims Senate rules forbid carrying the case over into the next session. Translation? Let the clock run out—then blame the clock.


A Convenient Interpretation of Rights

The resolution dares to invoke Sara Duterte’s right to a “speedy disposition of cases” under Article III, Section 16 of the Constitution.

But let’s be clear: this clause was meant to protect the voiceless from delay—not to shield the second highest official in the land from ever standing trial.


The Legal Sleight of Hand

The resolution crafts a twisted logic:


Delay = Dismissal

Since the Senate didn’t convene “forthwith,” the impeachment is moot and academic. No need for a trial—just let it expire.


The Constitution as Alibi

By framing dismissal as a constitutional mandate rather than a political maneuver, the Senate gets to wash its hands clean.

"We didn’t kill the case," they’ll say. "The law did."


Neri v. Senate (2008) as the Nail in the Coffin

The resolution cites precedent: if Congress doesn't act within its term, proceedings supposedly can’t be revived. This isn’t a call for justice—it’s a procedural escape hatch.


Behind the Curtain: What the Leak Tells Us

Make no mistake—this leak wasn’t accidental. It’s part of a calculated soft launch. And it reveals much more than the text lets on:


This is a Script, Not a Resolution

It hasn’t been filed, but it’s written to perfection. This is legal theater, just waiting for the right cast of senators to play their parts.


The Lobbying Has Already Begun

Allies of Duterte may not have the numbers to acquit her outright—but they don’t need to. They only need to sell the idea that a trial is now impossible. The courtroom becomes irrelevant if the curtain never rises.


This is a Trial Balloon and a Shield

Leak it, see how the public reacts. If the backlash is weak, file it. If it’s strong, wait. Meanwhile, senators get plausible deniability. Sara gets political insulation.


Everyone Walks Away Clean

Sara skips the trial. The Senate avoids backlash. The House gets blamed for delay. The Constitution takes the fall.

And the Filipino people? They’re fed the lie that this was all just bad timing.


What’s Really at Stake

This isn't just about Sara Duterte. This is about institutional accountability. About whether the highest officials in the land can be shielded by delay and legal acrobatics.


If this resolution moves forward, the Senate won’t just dodge an impeachment—it will set a chilling precedent:


Delay the trial long enough... and you’ll never have to face justice at all.


That’s not due process. That’s constitutional gaslighting—a cover-up in legal disguise.


The Verdict We Deserve

No matter where you stand politically, this moment demands clarity and courage. The Filipino people deserve transparency, not trickery. Justice, not justifications. A real trial, not a silent burial.


If the Senate allows this resolution to pass, it will have killed more than just one impeachment case. It will have slain the very idea that truth and accountability still matter in our democracy.


The choice now is stark—and the clock is ticking.


Will the Senate face the music?


Or will it quietly follow the script, close the curtain, and walk away?


Because if this resolution becomes law, impeachment in the Philippines will no longer be a process. It will be a performance. And we? We’ll be the audience left clapping for an empty stage.

A Historic Impeachment Meets an Inevitable End


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In the annals of Philippine political history, February 5, 2025, will be remembered as the day Vice President Sara Zimmerman Duterte became the first sitting vice president to be impeached by the House of Representatives. But what was meant to be a momentous trial of accountability has instead become a cautionary tale about the relentless march of constitutional deadlines and the power of procedural timing.


On that fateful February afternoon, 215 members of the House of Representatives signed an impeachment complaint against Vice President Sara Zimmerman Duterte which constituted the Articles of Impeachment against her. The charges were grave: plotting to assassinate President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., large-scale corruption, and failing to condemn China's aggressive actions in the South China Sea. Duterte became the first vice president of the Philippines to be impeached, a historic milestone that should have led to an equally historic Senate trial.


But history, it seems, had other plans.












The Fatal Delay

What unfolded next reads like a political thriller where time itself became the ultimate antagonist. The House Secretary General dutifully transmitted the Articles of Impeachment to the Senate Secretary on the same day they were approved. However, due to administrative requirements, the articles were not presented to the Senate plenary that day, requiring "necessary staff work prior to its inclusion on the plenary's agenda."


This seemingly mundane procedural delay would prove catastrophic for the impeachment case. The Senate, following its legislative calendar, adjourned its session in accordance with Senate Concurrent Resolution No. 20, leaving the Articles of Impeachment in constitutional limbo.


The Constitutional Ticking Bomb

The Philippine Constitution is unforgiving when it comes to impeachment proceedings. Article XI, Section 3 (6) contains a deceptively simple phrase that would ultimately seal the fate of Duterte's trial: "The trial shall forthwith proceed after the Articles of Impeachment have been transmitted to the Senate."


The word "forthwith," as the Senate resolution dramatically emphasizes, "is not a suggestion but a constitutional command which connotes immediacy." This constitutional imperative transforms what might seem like reasonable administrative delays into potential violations of due process rights.


As the days turned to weeks, and weeks turned to months, the constitutional clock kept ticking. More than 100 days passed without the Senate constituting itself as an Impeachment Court, despite the clear constitutional mandate for immediate action.


The Right to Speedy Justice

The resolution invokes Article III, Section 16 of the Constitution, which guarantees "all persons to have the right to a speedy disposition of their cases before all judicial, quasi-judicial, or administrative bodies." In a striking legal argument, the Senate contends that even an impeachment defendant—traditionally viewed as facing prosecution rather than seeking vindication—has constitutional rights that must be protected.


The Supreme Court case Chingkoe v. Andutan is quoted extensively, establishing that delays in case disposition can violate fundamental rights and serve as grounds for dismissal. The resolution argues that while court rules may not specifically provide for dismissal based on speedy disposition violations, courts are not prevented from dismissing cases when such violations occur.


The Congressional Calendar Trap

The political calendar proved to be an insurmountable obstacle. The 19th Congress was already in its third regular session, scheduled to adjourn sine die on June 13, 2025—just days away from when this resolution was drafted. The scheduled presentation of the articles of impeachment against Vice President Sara Duterte on June 2 has been moved to June 11, 2025, leaving merely two days before the congressional session's end.


Senate rules add another layer of complexity. Rule XLIV, Section 123 unequivocally states that "all pending matter and proceedings shall terminate upon the expiration of one (1) Congress, but may be taken by the succeeding Congress as if presented for the first time." This rule, designed to ensure legislative continuity, became a constitutional guillotine for the impeachment case.


The Neri Precedent

The resolution invokes the 2008 Supreme Court case Neri v. Senate, which established a crucial principle about congressional continuity. While the Senate as an institution is "continuing" and doesn't dissolve with each election, "in the conduct of its day-to-day business the Senate of each Congress acts separately and independently of the Senate of the Congress before it."


This precedent became a constitutional brick wall. The impeachment proceedings, initiated in the 19th Congress, could not simply carry over to the incoming 20th Congress, which would convene on the fourth Monday of July 2025. The case would essentially have to start from scratch, requiring new articles of impeachment and beginning the entire process anew.


A De Facto Dismissal

Faced with these seemingly insurmountable constitutional and procedural obstacles, the Senate reached a dramatic conclusion. The resolution declares that the Articles of Impeachment "must necessarily be deemed DE FACTO DISMISSED, by virtue of the inability of the Senate to properly consider the same because of the timing of the transmittal thereof by the House of Representatives."


This de facto dismissal represents a unique resolution to an impossible constitutional situation. Rather than allowing the impeachment to die a quiet procedural death, the Senate chose to formally acknowledge the case's demise, creating a clear record of what transpired and why.


The Larger Constitutional Questions

This case raises profound questions about the interaction between constitutional mandates and practical governance. How can the Constitution demand "forthwith" action while also recognizing the realities of legislative calendars and administrative procedures? What happens when competing constitutional principles—the impeachment process and the right to speedy disposition—collide?


The Duterte impeachment case reveals potential flaws in the constitutional framework that governs impeachment proceedings. The rigid timeline requirements, combined with the complexities of legislative scheduling and the prohibition on carrying cases between congressional sessions, create a system where timing can become more decisive than the merits of the case itself.


Political Ramifications

The dismissal of Sara Duterte's impeachment carries significant political implications. Duterte was accused of a wide range of crimes that included plotting to assassinate the president, large-scale corruption and failing to strongly denounce China's aggressive actions against Filipino forces in the disputed South China Sea. These are serious charges that, under normal circumstances, would warrant thorough investigation and adjudication.


The procedural dismissal means these allegations will never receive the full airing they might have deserved. Critics may argue that the administration used constitutional technicalities to avoid a politically damaging trial, while supporters might contend that due process protections ultimately prevailed.


A Pyrrhic Victory?

For Sara Duterte, this outcome represents both vindication and uncertainty. While she avoids the immediate threat of removal from office, the cloud of impeachment charges remains. The dismissal is based on timing rather than a determination of innocence, leaving the underlying questions about her conduct unresolved.


The Vice President continues to hold office, but the political damage from the impeachment process itself may be lasting. Although a trial date has not been set, she will remain vice president during the impeachment proceedings, but the proceedings themselves have become a defining moment in her political career.


Constitutional Reform Imperative

This case should prompt serious discussion about reforming the impeachment process to prevent similar constitutional crises. Possible reforms might include:


Extending the timeline for Senate action while maintaining urgency requirements

Creating mechanisms for impeachment cases to survive congressional transitions

Establishing clearer procedures for handling impeachment articles received near the end of congressional sessions

Balancing the "forthwith" requirement with practical administrative needs

The Precedent Set

The Senate's resolution creates an important precedent for future impeachment cases. It establishes that constitutional timing requirements have real consequences and that procedural delays can effectively nullify impeachment proceedings. Future House prosecutors will need to carefully consider the legislative calendar when timing their impeachment efforts.


The case also demonstrates the Senate's willingness to invoke due process protections even for impeachment defendants, potentially expanding the rights of those facing impeachment proceedings.


Conclusion: When Time Conquers Politics

The Sara Duterte impeachment case will be remembered not for its dramatic revelations or courtroom theatrics, but for its anticlimactic end. In a system where justice delayed can indeed be justice denied, the relentless march of the constitutional calendar proved more powerful than political passion or prosecutorial zeal.


This case serves as a stark reminder that in constitutional law, timing isn't everything—it's the only thing. The House of Representatives learned, perhaps too late, that the window for impeachment is not merely political but constitutional, and that window can close with the finality of a judge's gavel.


As the 19th Congress prepares to adjourn and the 20th Congress prepares to convene, Sara Duterte remains in office, her impeachment dismissed not by vindication but by the simple passage of time. In the end, the most powerful force in Philippine politics proved to be neither political maneuvering nor constitutional principle, but the implacable tick of the institutional clock.


The Senate's resolution stands as both a legal document and a constitutional warning: in the Philippines, impeachment is not just a political process but a race against time—and time, as Sara Duterte discovered, waits for no one, not even vice presidents.

However, the most striking aspect is how the case was ultimately dismissed not on its merits, but due to constitutional timing requirements. The Senate resolution declares the impeachment "DE FACTO DISMISSED" because the articles were scheduled to be presented on June 11, 2025, just two days before the 19th Congress adjourns sine die on June 14 


Senate moves reading of impeachment raps vs VP Duterte to June 11 - Article

, making a proper trial impossible.


The case highlights a fundamental tension in Philippine constitutional law between the requirement for impeachment trials to proceed "forthwith" and the practical realities of legislative calendars. It creates an important precedent about how constitutional timing requirements can effectively nullify impeachment proceedings, regardless of the underlying charges.


BIR seizes 18,811 illicit vape products in Bulacan raid


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The Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR), led by Commissioner Romeo Lumagui Jr., in coordination with the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI)-Organized and Transnational Crimes Division, has cracked down on an online-enabled illicit vape operation fronting as a legitimate business, seizing 18,811 vape products and counterfeit tax stamps in Guiguinto, Bulacan. 


The enforcement operation, conducted on May 30, was the product of surveillance of online sales activities on Facebook, which provided bases for the issuance of a Mission Order and a search warrant.









According to Lumagui, “we want to send a loud and clear message to those selling illicit vape products: the BIR and NBI will pursue you wherever you hide—online or onsite. The long arms of the law extend into the cyber realm—and we will find you.”


“We will pull out all the stops. Online or onsite, the BIR will do everything it can to stop illicit trade.”


The team raided two establishments: a vape lounge operating as a front for underground vape distribution and a makeshift warehouse located in a residential house. Inside the premises authorities found 4,789 salt nicotine units and 14,022 conventional vape products, along with fake internal revenue excise stamps and counterfeit disposable vapes.


"To put the scale of the haul into perspective—kung conservative po tayo—assuming one disposable vape lasts an average user one week, this means that 18,811 seized units could supply over 4,700 underage users for a month, assuming each one vapes daily,” explained Lumagui.


“So, close to 5,000 kids could be vaping for an entire month from the products we seized in just one operation. These aren’t just tax violations—they are threats to the health of our children. That’s why we’re going after illicit traders, whether they operate in public markets or hide behind Facebook accounts and residential homes.” 


Several employees found manning the online and onsite operations during the raid—including online sales agents—are set to be charged criminally, alongside the proprietor, for multiple violations of the National Internal Revenue Code (NIRC). These include:

– Section 263: Unlawful Possession of Articles Subject to Excise Tax Without Payment

– Section 263-A: Sale of Vapor Products Below Combined Excise and VAT

– Section 264: Failure to Issue Required Receipts

– Section 265: Offenses Related to Counterfeit Stamps

– Section 254: Attempt to Evade or Defeat Tax

– Section 255: Failure to Provide Accurate Tax Information


Charges under Article 172 of the Revised Penal Code (Falsification of Commercial Documents) are also being prepared.


The BIR estimates the total deficiency tax assessment at ₱36.51 million, inclusive of surcharges, interest, and penalties. The basic excise tax liability from the confiscated products alone is pegged at ₱3.49 million.


The BIR noted that the business was employing an illicit layering scheme, issuing a mix of registered and unregistered receipts to mask illegal sales. However, Lumagui revealed that the BIR’s implementation of new strip stamps have made it easier for BIR agents to identify fake and untaxed products.


The BIR has seen a dramatic increase in vape excise tax collections following the 2024 rollout of its digital stamp verification system. In 2023, only 11.2 million milliliters of vape liquids were taxed, generating ₱223.75 million. After the stamp system's implementation in June 2024, collections surged to ₱942 million from 130 million milliliters in just one year. 


"Illicit vape sellers are hiding their products in residential houses,” lamented Lumagui. “They are hiding their illicit operations in residential communities. If you suspect that your neighbor is engaged in the selling or warehousing of illicit vape products, immediately report the same to the BIR. Illicit vape criminals have no place in our neighborhoods.” 

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