The Stronghold of Influence: An Investigative Exposé on Why Senator Marcoleta Is Racing to Shield the Discayas

Wazzup Pilipinas!? 

When accusations of ₱250-million “ghost” flood-control contracts surfaced, one question kept repeating in public hearings and social feeds: why is Senator Rodante Marcoleta pushing so hard to put the Discaya couple under Witness Protection? The trail of documents, company filings and news reports points to a potential conflict of interest that goes beyond political theatrics — it runs straight through an insurance company where the senator’s wife holds a seat on the board. The consequences, if proven, are grave: political protection for private interests that benefited from government contracts designed to protect ordinary Filipinos from flooding.

1) What the public record and recent testimony say about the Discayas

Since August–September 2025 the Senate Blue Ribbon inquiries and multiple media outlets have focused on a network of flood-control contracts that appear anomalous. Contractors tied to the Discaya family have been linked to hundreds of flood-control projects worth billions — and several high-profile witnesses and documents allege these projects were overpriced, substandard or not built at all. Explosive testimony at the Senate named legislators and DPWH officials as beneficiaries of large kickbacks; the scale of the scandal prompted President Marcos Jr. to order further probes. 

Investigative reporting and audits since then have identified specific “ghost” projects — for example, an allegedly completed P96.5-million Discaya project in Davao Occidental that local officials say did not match on-the-ground reality. These local reports have added fuel to national outrage and formal investigations. 

2) Marcoleta’s public defense — and the question Lacson asked

Senator Marcoleta has been an outspoken defender of the Discayas’ request for protective measures. He argued parliamentary and procedural grounds for why the couple should be afforded protection. That stance drew sharp rebukes from other senators and observers who smelled a conflict. Sen. Panfilo Lacson, among others, publicly questioned why Marcoleta appeared so intent on shielding the Discayas — a straightforward question now made more urgent by corporate records and news reporting. 

3) The Stronghold link: board memberships and bond insurance

At the center of this developing story is Stronghold Insurance Company — a surety/bond provider that, according to its own product pages, issues surety bonds used for government and private projects. Stronghold’s publicly accessible site lists management and board members. Media reports published on September 28–29, 2025 connect Edna Marcoleta — Senator Marcoleta’s wife — with a directorship or board role in Stronghold and other insurers allegedly used to provide bonds for contractors linked to the Discayas. Those reports raise the obvious, unavoidable question: when companies connected to the Discayas used Stronghold’s bond products, did corporate ties influence how these contracts were enabled and allowed to proceed? 

Local reporting and business outlets have run pieces explicitly flagging this potential conflict of interest and calling on investigators to look at corporate governance and possible preferential treatment. 

4) How these pieces fit together — plausible scenarios (and what is not yet proven)

Taken together the public facts create a probable chain:

The Discaya-linked firms won numerous flood-control contracts; several projects are now alleged to be ghost or deficient projects. 

Those contracts — as is common for government works — required performance or surety bonds; Stronghold advertises and supplies such bonds. 

Media reporting and Stronghold’s own corporate pages indicate Edna Marcoleta has (or had) a formal role at Stronghold. Independent outlets and business news flagged that connection and reported that insurers where Mrs. Marcoleta has influence were used for bond coverage of Discaya projects. 

Senator Marcoleta’s public efforts to secure witness protection or otherwise defend the Discayas therefore create the appearance — and plausibility — of a conflict of interest: political shielding that overlaps with familial corporate ties. 

Important legal caveat: an appearance or plausibility is not proof of criminality. The facts above are drawn from published reports, company pages and sworn testimony to Senate committees — they justify immediate, independent forensic audit and criminal-investigative follow-through (if necessary), but they do not by themselves constitute a court-proven conspiracy. That is the job of investigators and prosecutors.

5) What investigators should demand now (a checklist for prosecutors, COA, DOJ and the Senate)

Full corporate record trace — procurement files showing which bond providers were used per project; board minutes or communications at Stronghold relating to Discaya accounts or approvals. (Stronghold’s product pages confirm it issues surety/bonds; investigators should subpoena client lists tied to the contracts in question.) 

Financial forensics — bank trails, beneficial ownership of Discaya firms, and asset declarations related to both the contractors and any public officials named in testimony. (AP and other reporting describe bank freezes and asset probes in related strands of the scandal.) 

Contract performance audit (COA) — technical inspection of sites allegedly completed vs. what exists; cost vs. deliverables comparison and an audit of invoicing. (COA audits were already ordered for flood projects; this must be widened to include surety/bond practices.) 

Conflict-of-interest review — assess whether the senator’s actions in the chamber or his wife’s corporate role influenced procurement or shielded contractors, and whether existing laws on public officials’ family interests were violated. 

Transparent public reporting — publish evidence and interim findings to limit the appearance that powerful actors are insulating each other from scrutiny.

6) What the public must demand

The Filipino public asked rightly and loudly: projects intended to save lives from floods should not become instruments of enrichment. When contractors profited while infrastructure failed, citizens paid the cost in safety. That is why the questions about Stronghold and the Marcoleta connection are not gossip — they are central to restoring public trust. The proper route is institutional: forceful COA performance audits, DOJ forensic reviews, and, if warranted, criminal prosecutions. Transparent, timely action is the only remedy that will prevent political influence from becoming impunity.

7) Conclusion — the stakes are simple

If the Discayas’ projects were abetted by improper corporate relationships that then received political protection, the result is not merely an inside-baseball conflict — it is a betrayal of every taxpayer who paid for infrastructure designed to protect their homes and families. As the Senate’s hearings continue and as investigative agencies pick through company records and bank trails, journalists and citizens must keep pressure on institutions to follow the evidence wherever it leads.

Key sources used in this investigation (selected): AP News (explosive testimony/freeze actions), The Philippine Star/Philippine Daily Inquirer reporting on ghost projects, ABS-CBN on Marcoleta’s defense and Senate reactions, Stronghold Insurance’s own product/board pages, and business outlets Bilyonaryo/Politiko flagging Mrs. Marcoleta’s board roles. 

The Flood Control Projects That Were Never Meant to Protect Us: AMLC Unmasks ₱180 Billion Duterte-Era Laundering Scandal

Wazzup Pilipinas!? 

When history finally untangles the knots of corruption, there are moments that shake a nation to its core. This is one of them.

The Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC) has confirmed what Filipinos have whispered for years: the flood-control projects under the Duterte administration were never really about protecting the people. Instead, they became a raging torrent of public money—₱180 billion—flowing straight into the pockets of a select few, masked behind construction firms and political influence.

And in a cruel twist of irony, as disinformation about Rodrigo Duterte’s alleged collapse in the International Criminal Court spread like wildfire—peddled even by Sara Duterte herself—the real collapse was happening elsewhere: the collapse of their fortress of lies.

The Discayas: Flood-Control “King and Queen”

At the center of the scandal stand Curlee and Sarah Discaya, whose family name has now become synonymous with plunder. Four of their construction firms—each claiming legitimacy—turned into bottomless vaults for public funds:

St. Gerrard Construction: ₱70.53 billion since 2014, with a massive ₱4.6 billion spike in 2017 alone.

St. Timothy Construction: ₱48.3 billion in contracts, its earnings exploding by 115,000% from 2016 to 2019.

Alpha & Omega General Contractor: ₱45 billion since 2016, peaking at ₱7 billion in 2022—an eye-watering 16,000% increase from the moment Duterte took office.

St. Matthew General Contractor: ₱18.8 billion, ₱16.4 billion of which flooded in post-2016.

The timeline tells the story: the deluge began the very year Duterte ascended to Malacañang. Sara Duterte herself once admitted the Discaya firms only entered flood-control projects in 2016. From there, the numbers ballooned into a grotesque spectacle.

The Classic Signs of Laundering

The AMLC findings were a case study in red flags:

Billions from DPWH regional and district offices, funneled to Discaya-linked firms.

Round-tripping deposits and withdrawals designed to mask origins.

Frantic inter-account transfers, moving money like a shell game to conceal the hand behind it.

A jaw-dropping ₱571.55 million transfer in a single day by St. Timothy Construction.

It was as if the Discayas thought no one would ever check. For years, no one did—at least not publicly.

Ping Lacson’s Warning, Ignored

Senator Panfilo “Ping” Lacson had long raised the alarm, revealing that the Discayas cornered a staggering ₱207 billion in projects from 2016 to 2025, more than half during Duterte’s reign. Yet his warnings fell on deaf ears, drowned by a chorus of loyalist propaganda and DDS influencers eager to protect their benefactors.

Now the AMLC’s hard evidence leaves no room for denial.

Disinformation as Shield

So why did Sara Duterte suddenly conjure stories about her father collapsing in the ICC, supposedly from a cranial injury? Because distraction has always been the Duterte playbook. When the fire is too close to home, set up smoke elsewhere.

But here lies the true cranial injury: the collective denial of DDS loyalists who refuse to admit that their idol presided over what is shaping up to be the most corrupt post-Martial Law era in Philippine history.

Build, Build, Build—or Steal, Steal, Steal?

The Duterte administration’s proudest slogan—“Build, Build, Build”—has now been unmasked for what it really was: “Steal, Steal, Steal.” A national betrayal disguised as infrastructure progress.

Billions meant to shield Filipinos from floods were instead diverted to flood the private coffers of the Discayas and their powerful allies. The true victims are the millions still wading through knee-deep waters every monsoon, their homes destroyed, their taxes stolen.

A Nation’s Reckoning

The scandal leaves us with burning questions:

Shouldn’t those who campaigned, blogged, and shilled for Duterte be held accountable too?

Where are those who proudly posted “Duterte is my President” while their taxes funded this grand plunder?

If there is justice, should they not be the ones helping return the stolen billions?

Because in the end, corruption of this magnitude does not happen in silence. It requires enablers, influencers, propagandists—and the blind loyalty of a nation too distracted to demand the truth.

The AMLC has now torn down the dam. The floodwaters of truth are here. And no amount of fake cranial injuries, DDS denial, or online troll armies can hold them back.

The world may soon recognize the Philippines for another dubious record: one of the largest money-laundering scandals ever uncovered in modern history.

And the Filipino people, betrayed yet again, are left to ask: how much more will it take before we finally stop confusing power with patriotism, and propaganda with truth?

Behind the Walls: Inside the ICC Detention Centre Where Justice Awaits

Wazzup Pilipinas!? 

A World Apart from Philippine Detention Facilities

In a dramatic twist that would make any telenovela writer envious, former President Rodrigo Duterte's recent plea to the International Criminal Court (ICC) has thrust the spotlight onto an unlikely subject: the pristine detention facilities in The Hague. While Duterte dramatically declared at the Batasang Pambansa on November 13, 2024, "Ang tagal, ma'am [Gabriela Rep. Arlene Brosas]. Baka mamatay na ako at hindi na nila ako ma-imbestigahan. So I'm asking the ICC, to come here tomorrow and start the investigation," few Filipinos realize just how different his potential accommodations would be from the overcrowded, often inhumane conditions found in Philippine detention centers.

The Stark Reality: Luxury in The Hague vs. Squalor in Manila

The contrast is nothing short of breathtaking. While Philippine jail cells often resemble medieval dungeons—cramped spaces where dozens of inmates share a single toilet, where diseases spread like wildfire, and where basic human dignity becomes a luxury—the ICC Detention Centre in Scheveningen offers what can only be described as a model of humane incarceration.

Recent discussions about the Vice President's unconfirmed reports regarding detained individuals at The Hague have sparked curiosity about the actual conditions at the ICC facility. The reality, as revealed through official ICC documentation, paints a picture that would be considered five-star accommodations by Philippine standards.

Room Service, Justice Style

Each detainee at the ICC Detention Centre enjoys private quarters that would make many Filipino minimum-wage workers weep with envy. The cells are spacious, featuring windows that actually let in natural light—a revolutionary concept for those familiar with the windowless concrete boxes that pass for detention cells in the Philippines. Each room comes equipped with a television, computer access, and heating systems, amenities that are considered luxurious in a country where many citizens can't afford these basics in their own homes.

The irony is palpable: potential war criminals receive better living conditions than law-abiding Filipino families struggling in urban slums.

Medical Care That Puts PGH to Shame

Perhaps most striking is the medical facility within the ICC Detention Centre. The facility boasts advanced medical equipment that surpasses what's available in most Philippine barangay health centers—and arguably rivals some private hospitals in Manila. With blood pressure monitors, ECG machines, and comprehensive diagnostic equipment, the medical staff can determine whether a detainee is genuinely ill or simply "nag-iinarte" (putting on an act).

This level of medical care stands in stark contrast to Philippine detention facilities, where inmates often die from treatable conditions due to inadequate healthcare. The message is clear: international justice comes with international standards of human dignity.

Recreation and Rehabilitation: A Foreign Concept

The ICC Detention Centre features recreational and sports facilities that would make many Filipino public schools jealous. Detainees have access to gyms, libraries, educational programs, and even interfaith prayer rooms where they can "communicate with their preferred deity"—as sarcastically noted in local commentary.

Meanwhile, Philippine detainees are lucky if they get an hour of sunlight in overcrowded courtyards, let alone access to books, educational programs, or recreational facilities.

The Kitchen Chronicles: From Pagpag to Proper Nutrition

The common kitchen facilities at the ICC allow detainees to prepare their own meals using quality ingredients, with dietary requirements carefully monitored by professional nutritionists. They can even purchase additional items from an approved shopping list to supplement their meals according to their cultural and personal preferences.

This stands in brutal contrast to Philippine detention facilities, where inmates often rely on family members to bring food, and where the institutional meals—when available—are notorious for their poor quality and insufficient quantity.

Privacy, Dignity, and the Rule of Law

One of the most remarkable features of the ICC system is the emphasis on privacy and dignity. Detainees have access to confidential communications with their legal representatives, unmonitored by detention staff. They receive regular visits from the International Committee of the Red Cross, which conducts unannounced inspections to ensure compliance with international standards.

In Philippine jails, privacy is a foreign concept, legal representation is often inadequate or absent, and international oversight is virtually non-existent.

The Ultimate Irony

As Duterte impatiently calls for ICC investigators to "come here tomorrow," the supreme irony of the situation becomes clear. Should he ever find himself in ICC custody, he would experience a level of humane treatment that he systematically denied to thousands of Filipinos during his administration's brutal war on drugs.

The ICC Detention Centre represents everything that Philippine detention facilities are not: clean, spacious, medically equipped, educationally focused, and fundamentally committed to human dignity. It's a 21st-century approach to detention that emphasizes rehabilitation over punishment, human rights over retribution.

A Mirror to Our Shame

The pristine conditions at The Hague serve as an uncomfortable mirror, reflecting the abysmal state of the Philippine justice system. While we debate the politics of ICC jurisdiction, we cannot escape the fundamental question: Why should suspected war criminals in The Hague receive better treatment than ordinary Filipino citizens in our own detention facilities?

The ICC Detention Centre isn't just a holding facility—it's a testament to what justice looks like when human dignity is prioritized over political expediency. For a country that has witnessed thousands of extrajudicial killings, overcrowded jails, and systematic human rights violations, the ICC facility represents not just international justice, but international shame.

As Duterte grows impatient with the pace of investigations, perhaps he should consider that the very institution he challenges operates with a level of humanity and professionalism that his administration never extended to its own citizens. The ICC Detention Centre may be waiting for him, but it represents standards of justice and human dignity that the Philippines has yet to embrace for its own people.

In the end, the clean, well-equipped, and humane facilities in The Hague stand as both a promise of justice and an indictment of our own failures. They remind us that in the pursuit of accountability, even the accused deserve better treatment than what we've provided to our own citizens.

The question remains: Will justice finally be served in those pristine halls of The Hague, or will it remain as elusive as dignity in Philippine detention centers?