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Wednesday, August 27, 2025

“Grease the Wheels or Get Crushed”: The Catechism of Corruption in Philippine Government Projects


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In the Philippines, corruption is not a hidden disease—it is the bloodstream of governance. It seeps into every bid, every contract, every so-called “nation-building” project. Roads are paved not with cement but with bribes; flood control systems are built not to protect lives but to bankroll campaigns. The tragedy is not just that it happens, but that it has become normal—an unwritten catechism passed down like family tradition, repeated so often that even those who once resisted eventually learn to kneel before it.


I. Grease, Not Gravel

In the Philippines, securing government contracts isn’t just about infrastructure—it’s about infiltration, influence, and the invisible economy of corruption.


Senator Panfilo Lacson estimates that up to 60% of flood control project funds vanish into graft before any shovel hits the ground. What remains? Less than 40% is left for actual construction, forcing contractors to use substandard materials and ultimately costing lives. 


Public sentiment isn’t far behind. An opinion piece reveals that kickbacks ranging from 10% to 40% are common among officials—from congressmen to barangay leaders—further stalling development and siphoning public funds. 


At the macroeconomic level, corruption in the Philippines is estimated to divert 20% of the national budget—a staggering drain on resources that could otherwise drive growth and services. 


This isn’t about gravel or cement—it’s about grease.


II. The Cartel Runs Deep

Far from isolated, corruption is structural—a fully fleshed-out ecosystem with participants at every station.


The infamous World Bank-funded NRIMP-1 road project was found entirely corrupted, with US$30–45 million of a US$150 million loan lost to a cartel of bureaucrats and contractors. 


The Pork Barrel (PDAF) scam exposed how lawmakers—and business figures like Janet Lim-Napoles—hijacked billions of pesos meant for development. ₱10 billion diverted and sacred funds like Malampaya royalties exploited. 


Sink deeper into history: The Bataan Nuclear Power Plant remains a relic of crony capitalism. Originally estimated at US$500–700 million, its final cost soared to US$2.2 billion. Marcos and his crony Disini pocketed kickbacks—Marcos received US$80 million; eventually, Disini’s estate was ordered to pay damages exceeding ₱1 billion. 


Corruption isn’t an afterthought—it’s a blueprint woven tightly into governance.


III. Recent Storms: Flood Control and Failures

The bridges wash away—but the corruption stays.


Since 2024, the Marcos administration has been engulfed in scandal over flood control projects riddled with ghost contracts, monopolies, and phony permits. Some contractors cornered up to ₱100 billion worth of deals. 


Special hearings revealed widespread "ghost projects" in Bulacan and neighboring provinces. Wawao Builders, for example, reportedly snagged ₱9 billion in contracts despite questionable delivery. 


In one jaw-dropping case, a construction firm with only ₱250,000 in capital bagged ₱5 billion in flood control contracts—a glaring red flag reminiscent of the Pharmally scandal. 


Digital oversight was attempted: President Marcos launched “Sumbong sa Pangulo,” a portal allowing citizens to flag anomalies in flood control projects. 


The Commission on Audit responded with a fraud audit in Bulacan, after citizens used the platform to report irregularities. 


Still, not even half the budget intended for flood infrastructure is reaching the ground. Lacson highlighted that a whopping P1 trillion may have been siphoned off in flood control alone. 


IV. Social Learning, National Legacy

Corruption isn’t just a practice—it’s a curriculum.


Your words capture the generational transmission of tactics: “don’t be greedy,” “share the blessings,” “stay invisible,” passing lessons from one generation to the next.


Social learning theory frames this perfectly: corruption is learned through exposure, reinforcement, and imitation. The more normalized it becomes, the harder it is to uproot.


V. The Prison of the State

The iron fist of the corrupt state often shields its own. Aggressive institutions overshadow reform.


The Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) has been called the country’s “biggest criminal enterprise,” where overpricing and substandard implementation are infamous. 


The Management Association of the Philippines argues that graft isn’t fringe—it’s embedded in governance, sustained by patronage, fragile oversight, and social inequality. Without systemic overhaul, it thrives unchecked. 


VI. The Road to Reformation

Change isn’t just necessary—it’s urgent.


Reforms must be profound and structural:


Digitalize and automate governance: From procurement to submissions, e-governance reduces human discretion and abuse. 


Empower independent institutions: The COA, Ombudsman, and judiciary must be truly autonomous and equipped to enforce rules. 


Political reform: Break the dynastic chains. Campaign finance laws and anti-dynasty legislation must become real, not rhetoric. 


Radical transparency: Real-time, accessible publication of budgets, procurements, and asset declarations; implementation of the Freedom of Information law. 


Conclusion: A Forsaken Land—Yet Not Forever

Our closing lament echoes loudly: “God bless this forsaken land.” It shouldn't be wasted.


This is the crossroads: corruption has devoured billions, but its reign can end. The stakes? Lives, dignity, futures. The heroes? Every citizen refusing to be complicit—denying the catechism, demanding accountability, teaching a new narrative grounded in integrity.

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